第一篇历史作者：Colleen Haight标题：The College, the Market, and the Court; Or Woman's Relation to Education, Labor, and Law
第二篇历史作者：Sarah Cooper标题：woman suffrage -cui bono
we don't care about abstract rights: what we want is our own share of the tangible acknowledged right which human governments confer. If in England this right depends on a property qualification, then we claim that there the property qualification shall endow woman as well as man with the right of suffrage. If in America it depends upon an inalienable right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, then we demand that our government recognize woman as so endowed, and receive her vote.
To the reviewer we say also, If the grounds of suffrage are vague and undetermined in theory, they may remain so, so far as our interference is concerned. What we ask to share is the steady right to vote, which has been actually granted, and never disputed, since our government was founded; and sufficiently pressed, we might add, that, if there is ever any chance of limiting the right of suffrage, we shall do all we can to secure its dependence on a certain amount of education, in preference to a certain amount of wealth.
As to the art critic, we thank him for calling us the "sad sisterhood." We should be sorry to be otherwise, when pleading for women before men; sorry to find matter for jesting in those purlieus of St. Giles and Five Points and the Black Sea, beating up remorselessly against these very doors, which lie at the very heart of our effort. As to the matter of going to see the Horse Fair and the Highland Cattle, it will probably be found to be a fact, that, in every city where those great pictures have been exhibited, "women's-rights women" have been their earliest visitors; and, standing before the canvas, have thanked God, with an earnestness the art critic never dreamt of, for that silent woman's hand, that glorious woman's life. It was not necessary for him to remind us of what Solomon had said so much better three thousand years ago; namely, that "speech is silvern, and silence is golden." Nathless, silver is still current in all markets; and, God willing, we are not ashamed to use it.
We intend to claim, in words, the right of suffrage; and why?
Turning from that wretched estimate of woman, and of man's duty toward woman, which the law-books have just offered us, we claim the right of suffrage, because only through its possession can women protect themselves; only through its exercise can both sexes have equality of right and power before the law. Whenever this happened, character would get its legitimate influence; and it is just possible that men might become rational and virtuous in private, if association with women compelled them to seem so in public.
It is noticeable, that every man disclaims at his own hearth, and in the presence of women, whatever there is of disgraceful appertaining to political or other public meetings. Somebody must be responsible for these things; and yet, if we are to believe witnesses, nobody ever does them. The bare fact of association must take all the blame.
The laws already existing prove conclusively to woman herself, that she has never had a real representative. What she seeks is to utter her own convictions, so that they shall redeem and save, not merely her own sex but the race.
The fact that a large majority of women manifest so little interest in the question of suffrage, and are so palpably indifferent in regard to securing the privilege, is evidence of the absence of any very extended dissatisfaction with their present position. Female suffragists find their most formidable opponents among their own sex; and is not the instinct or inclination of this latter class as worthy of consideration as are the wishes and opinions of those who maintain the opposite view? Are they any less sincere?Should they be deemed illiberal, pusillanimous, apathetic, or imbecile, because they fail to discover in the ballot the Utopian glories of a redeemed womanhood? There are those who believe women to be their own severest critics, their own harshest judges.
Feeling thus, they have no tumultuous desire to secure the privilege of being tried by a socalled jury of their peers. They believe that, as a rule, the kindest judges of woman's strength or infirmity have been men; that in man she finds her truest and firmest champion. What women most lack, is charity and magnanimity to one another. Woman's weakness lies in her aptitude to forgive in the wrong place. She too often passes with a look of reproachful scorn the wretched victim of the seducer's wiles, while, perchance, at her very side primly walks the villainous coxcomb, who, with perjured arts, has effected this hopeless ruin. He finds sweet solace for his crime in the bewitching smiles and fascinations of others equally fair and trustful, while she, the blighted one, with heavy heart and poisoned life, moves on, “salvationless, almost." What has earth left for her?
There is nothing but grief and gall in her heart."What charm can soothe her melancholy,What art can wash her guilt away?The only art her guilt to cover,To hide her shame from every eye,To give repentance to her lover,And wring his bosom - is to die."
Will the ballot in woman's hand change all this? If so, God speed it. If men and women could only be made virtuous by Act of Congress, the prospect might be more re-assuring. The efforts hither to made to legislate morality have not been very hopeful in their results. Repression and extirpation are as dissimilar in meaning as in effect. The utter inefficiency of the former has been clearly demonstrated by the workings of the liquor laws: to evade which, men even resorted to the manufacture of small canteens in the form of Bibles, in which liquors of all kinds were surreptitiously introduced and vended-by no means the first instance in which men have been known "to steal the livery of heaven to serve the devil in; " nor do women lack the wit or the audacity to do likewise, if principle be in subjection to passion. Would female legislation be likely to be more effective in this direction?
Is it not a deplorable fact that the use of stimulants is even now sadly frequent among women in all classes of society?
Would not multiplied temptations inevitably increase the direful practice? Has it not come to be a dangerous experiment to bestow alms upon daily applicants for charity, lest the very aid extended prove only a means for the larger indulgence of a slavish appetite? It does not promote charitable growth to meet the recipient of one's bounty in a maudlin state of intoxication shortly after dispensing the same. Would the ballot in
the hand of such women be calculated to further the reforms so much desired and needed? Yet, this is the class most likely to avail themselves of the prerogative, and who will sell their votes to the highest bidder as nimbly as do their distinguished consorts today.